Islamic groups, the militaries gradually assumed power. Suharto begun to

maintain the already wasted and sickened Sukarno in a fictional presidency,

as a symbol of national unity until by decree emptying his legal authority,

in March 11, 1966. The next semester would be fatal for more than half a

million Chinese and Indonesian besides an excess of 200 thousand political

prisoners which altogether formed one of the greatest Communist parties of

the World. The wave of hysteria was such that they were pointed out and

oftenly even executed by their proper neighbor civilians in the villages.

Formation of East-Timorese political associations

During Portuguese dictatorship, civilians were prohibited to gather

for political discussions. But since the 60's an educated elite with

nationalist aspirations begun to reune clandistinely and vehicle some

principles in catholic press. Three weeks after the democratic Revolution,

formation of political associations was incentivated, in the process of

decolonization. Immediatly UDT was founded, wanting to prolong Portugal's

presence in view of a progressive autonomy. ASDT, future Fretilin, called

for radical independence, while Apodeti, supported by Indonesia, for the

integration of East Timor in the neighbour power.

Although the changes acrossing the metropolis were of little immediate

effect in the rural society, they had profound impact among the elites of

East Timor, particularly in the administrator sectors, centered in the

cities and specially in Dili They polarized the opposition to certain

aspects of the Portuguese rule.

Since the 60s, an educated elite with nationalist aspirations began to

emerge, often product of the catholic schools and particularly from the

seminaries of Dare (outside Dili) and S. Jose in the colony of Macao.

Discussions involved small groups of students and administrators that

gathered clandestinely in the capital. The main escapes of their ideas were

catholic publications of reduced circulation like Seara, which was closed

down by the political police PIDE.

The conclusions reached are considered general and vagrant. Subjects

like traditional marriage and the educational system were debated but not

much was proposed as a global critic and alternatives.

Anyhow, this collective of student-administrators and higher level

bureaucrats, as well as important rural proprietors would constitute the

basis of the two main political parties: UDT and ASDT/Fretilin.

Three weeks after the Revolution 25th of April, the Governor of East

Timor created the Commission for the Autodetermination which's intentions

were to bring out to legality all the incipient political associations.

The parties

UDT (Timor Democratic Union). This became the first party, was also

the most popular for some months. The initial declaration, of May 11th,

made apology of democratic principles, distribution of revenues and, the

fulcral aspect, a progressive autonomy materialized with an increasing

participation of the Timorese but always in the light of the Portuguese

flag, to culminate with the integration of East Timor in a Portuguese

language community. The political platform as conceived by first president

Mбrio Carrascalгo was to hold Portugal's presence as far as possible

without putting aside the option for independence. But although having

presented a cohesive front at start, the course of events in the months

followed would evidence different susceptibilities towards a same problem.

Firmly based on two groups, the higher positioned administrator elite

and the larger proprietors of coffee plantations. UDT accounted still the

favours of many suco liurais, although the majority of these belonged to

the circle of the imposed chiefs, in an ancient practice of the colonial

government to substitute the legitimate when less malleable... They used

their influence to gain support for the party in the countryside managing

strong implantation in areas like Liquie, Maubara, Maubisse, Ainaro,

Manatuto, Laclubar.

While a group of conservatives were granted support by traditional

chiefs and administrators -- whose positions and privileges under

Portuguese rule made them emphasize a continuation with the metropolis --,

those with commercial preoccupations of economical diversification beyond

the Portuguese orbit focused on the advantages of independence.

Not until 27 of July did the MFA in Lisbon determine the new

orientation in relation with the colonial territories. By it, the Timorese

were officially and for the first time confronted with the possibility of

independence.

In a message to the Portuguese President, UDT still inquired about the

viability of federation, but no further elucidation was obtained. Few days

later, UDT published the provisional statutes where preconized

autodetermination oriented to federation with Portugal, with an

intermediate phase for obtention of independence, and rejecting integration

in any potential foreign country. It is probable that the discouragement of

a definite bind with Portugal had also to do with the winds of independence

that blew from the ancient metropolis. Spreading throughout the African

colonies, in East Timor it influenced a crescent opposing party of

independist militancy that defied UDT's hesitations: ASDT.

Amongst UDT founders pontificated the mentioned Mario Carrascalгo,

proprietor of coffee plantations, director of the Agriculture Services, and

also former leader of caetanist party ANP (Popular National Association),

the only one allowed. Ex-seminarist Lopes da Cruz was too a ANP member and

director of Timor's journal, A Voz de Timor, patronized by the government.

He and intellectual Domingos de Oliveira were custom officials. Cesar

Mouzinho was Mayor of Dili.

ASDT/Fretilin (Revolutionary Front of Independent East Timor). The

plan of ASDT was acknowledged in the proper day of it's foundation, 20th of

May. Adopting the doctrines of socialism and democracy it called upfront

for a gradual independence preceded of administrator, economical, social

and political reforms. Three to eight years was the period of transition

considered necessary. And from the beginning with the participation of the

Timorese in the administration.

In the majority, ASDT was constituted with recent recruited members of

the urbane elites, mainly those living in Dнli, which maintained the link

to the rural areas of where they came from. Some were even descendants of

liurai families.

With an average age under 30, the elder Xavier do Amaral, of 37,

became ASDT's chairman. The leaders were commited to nationalism and

reaffirmation of the Timorese culture, agreed on the priority of

agricultural development, on alphabetization and extensive health

programmes. But furthermore, the political perspectives deferred. The

dominating tendency between the founders of ASDT was clearly social-

democratic, represented by men like journalist Ramos-Horta, administrator

Alarico Fernandes, Justino Mota and former professor Xavier do Amaral.

Ramos-Horta says that for him and the majority of his colleagues it

represented social justice, equitative distribution of the country's

wealth, a mixed economy and a parliamentary system with extended democratic

liberties. As to what extent did they have a model, sociologist John G.

Taylor mentions the social-democracy of the 60 and 70's in Austria and

Scandinavia. Anyway it wasn't experimented, as the urgency to gain internal

and foreign support seems to have kept on depriving the opportunity.

Still during the ASDT period, a secondary current leaded by ancient

sergeant and administrator, also ex-seminarist, Nicolau Lobato, “combined a

fervent anticolonial nationalism with notions of economical and political

development self-reliance based upon the experiences of Angola and

Mozambique”. His ideas would begin to prevail after the transformation of

ASDT into FRETILIN.

Apodeti (Timorese Popular Democratic Association). In 25 of May a

third party appeared under the designation of Association for the

Integration of Timor in Indonesia. Renamed Apodeti, the manifesto of the

party defended an integration with autonomy in the Republic of Indonesia in

accordance to the International Law and principles such as the obligatory

teaching of the Indonesian language (Indonesian Bahasa), free education and

medical assistance, and the right to go on strike.

The visionaries of Apodeti parted from the assumption that Portugal

would abandon East Timor and that the idea of independence couldn't stand a

chance because of Indonesia. In reality, the revindication of autonomy in a

process of integration appeared more as a popular measure and than as a

political stand.

It has been written that in the beginning of the 60's, BAKIN (military

co-ordinator agency of the secret intelligence INTEL), mounted a net in

East Timor which dealed with merchants, custom-house functionaries and

agents from the Indonesian consulate of Dili, in change of favours,

payments and refuge in case of conflict. Among them, those who would become

the prominent leaders of Apodeti: professor and administrator Osуrio

Soares, liurai of Atsabe (near the boarder of Indonesian Timor) Guilherme

Gonzalves, and cattle breeder Arnaldo dos Reis Arajo.

Still before the Portuguese Revolution, BAKIN had trained East-

timoreses in radio transmissions and as interpreters.

Nevertheless, while UDT and ASDT/Fretilin rapidly reached to the

thousands of adepts, Apodeti wouldn't reach more than a couple of hundreds

during the whole year of '74.

The support came mainly from the sucos of Guilherme Atsabe and a small

Muslim community of Dili. Besides this it had no expression. The dubious

personalities of it's leaders, all with criminal record and their political

purposes made Apodeti in the words of East Timor's last governor, J. Lemos

Pires “an enclosed organization, with difficulties to dialogue with the

people and government even worse with the opponent parties”. Fretilin

considered Apodeti illegal.

Three minor parties appeared, all more or less insignificant. The KOTA

(Klibur Oan Timur Aswain), meaning "sons of the mountain warriors", was

filiated in the Popular Monarchical Party of the metropolis. Remounting

it's origins to the Topasses (see Ethnology of the Timorese), KOTA

postulated the restoration of powers to the liurais who could trace their

ancestrality back to the Topasse period in order to constitute a democratic

monarchy, with the king to be elected amongst the liurais. Like KOTA, the

Timorese Democratic Labour Movement hadn't a programme and agrouped only

eight members, all from the same family. They wished to mobilize the

working class. The Democratic Association for the integration of East Timor

in Australia received money for promises of integration in Australia. It's

existence was ephemerous because the Australian government departed from

the idea even before the end of 1974.

Of these parties, KOTA and the Labour party were further mentioned and

precisely by the Indonesian authorities with the sole purpose to evoke that

four of the five parties, which they alleged that was the majority of the

East-timorese, had petitioned for integration during the Civil War

On 15 September the United Nations Security Council unanimously

authorised the establishment of a multinational force in Timor (UNSCR

1264). The resolution gives the force three tasks for its mandate: first,

to restore peace and security to East Timor; second to protect and support

the United Nations Mission in East Timor and; third, to facilitate within

force capabilities humanitarian assistance operations in East Timor. The

multinational force is commanded by Australia’s Major General Peter

Cosgrove

Australian support

The multinational force has been authorised by the United Nations

Страницы: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5